Newspapers / Gastonia Gazette (Gastonia, N.C.) / Gastonia Daily Gazette (Gastonia, … / Sept. 16, 1887, edition 1 / Page 1
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... vTTT I i . f " i. . A I VoL 5. J. 13. PAGE, Editor and Proprietor. THE CONSTITUTION. JIow, Anion and Hy Whom It Vas Adopted, CENTENNIAL OELEEEATION To Be Held in PliiladelpHa Sept. 15, 16 and 17, IXUtnry of the Jlovcuimit Lending to the Adoption of the Iocuincn.t--Iortraiti t of Sume o,f the Men Who flail a Hand ; In It Preparation and TVUo Took Tart In tlio Adopting Convention, popyrlghted by tho American Pwss Association. Ou,r reailers uro already apprised of the fact tlmt t is iroiM)ii.l to hold a centennial celebration -o( the mloption of tho constitu tion of tho' Cuitcd States, in Philadelphia on the 15tb, mtb and 17th' of September. Not ull who know "this ore familiar with the causes that led up to the. adoption of tho consti tution and the history of tho movement. One hundred"' years ogo there was no United States "of AnieHca. There was no nation on this continent only Kiiglish, Frtneli, Spanish and Porfn-riieee colonies from Hudson's lay to the PTio do Ln Plata, Jlere was in this country no president, no Cabinet, no sonata and no notional treasury; there Was noipublu; credit, no power to create a national revenue " uo.imithority to secure union at home and respect abroad. Kven the piratical Barbary states sneered at the talk of American power. The contribution lxx was passed Sunday af tor Sunday hi Now Kuxutiid. churches ; for tneafts . to rnusom A mciicAii sailors In Algerian captivity. The last the definitive treatyof jieace had leen signed nt Versailles-oil Sept. 3, ITS.'!, and the army had been dislianded . with , a mere fraction pf its 'pay. None of the treaties recognized the ox stenco of a new nation tho iinlepeudence ud sovereignty of thirteen colonies, each by name,'wer. separately acknowledged.' The public Securities were steadily declining, the worn soldier of liberty sought his desolated home with only wounds and glory for his pay. Not because tho country was poor it was admittedly rich in resources thai could soon bo converted into cash but there was no central power; there were thirteen sei rately independent sovereignties leund to gether only bya yague something 'which could not be colled a charter of union, was ill y defined as n confederation, ami scarcely niariUxlsveu the title of & league or compact. Eat-h state had its own- army, its iau rtirrency ami tanking' system, its own com mercial marine, its own system of ad Utrtion, and, above all, its own system of customs duties,, one state turilling uguiust another. . Iu short, each state held in itself (bo complete power of the sword and the jjur,' and -only ybbeyed - the mandate of the; confedcfatioir'cgresS' -so" fat 'and at -sucli time a the-tn to aixnifti.The -adverse votoof - fin "could "defeat ' auiniportant" law. The piuu was in imitation of that of .the pnited pro . incesbf the "Netherlands in . prcoedinj eontury---a very jioor model in deed, and vevy badly imitated. The system almost ruined the united provinces, and was Utterly unsuited to a confederation in which the -area of a single state was greater than that of the Netherlands. Thero had been three government's Colo nial, Revolutionary or Continental, and Con federated. The Colonial had ended in revo lution, the royal governors flying to- British ships and the people seizing tle power; the. Continental liegan to take form in the first . congress at I'hiladclphJa, September, 1774, but could not be called complete (if it all) till a few weeks after the Declaration of Inde pendence; and it expired bceably in March, 1781, when the last state (Maryland) ac-edcd to tho Articles of Confederation, and the con gress, then in session at once proceeded to act under its new powers. The Colonial had expired in revolution aud the Continental had grown slowly into the Confederated; and now the Confederation was dying of dry rot. Ifjnnly had power to "request" of- ihe states; each successive, requisition was met with more indifference until, on Nov. 1, 1784, tobert Morris announced that he could pay no interest on any foreign loans and a very small fraction of the domestic claims, and hat he saw no way of securing a revenue under the Confederation then resigned his post as superintendent of the finances hi one that seemed, like a wail of despair. -, . ISDKPESDBNCH Hi-LL. ' All these years, however, the spirit of anion was Browing fast. There had been from the first a few who could "think coii inentaUy," as thft phrase was. They saw in patriotic fancy a time when nil this cquntry should form "an empire of free republics iri jlissolubly united." Most active among these were Washington, Hamilton, . Madison, Gouverneur Morris and Gen. Philip Schuy de. They had. many ardent supporters; but tfho mass of 'xuaiikiudainaturally doceutrali Kationhits. Tie citizen stands for his neigh bors as against the next neighborhood . for his county as against the state; ho loves his own State, and it s not till it becomes truly, great bat bis heart swells with pride at thought of ils nation The states rights principle in our system is 'one that needs little cultivation ,9nly intelligent direction. So tho "Strong Government Wbigs, as they began to be called, worked cautiojislr.E very schoolljoy knows the repeated diflieulties Washington sd with their, sovereignties, the states; hp.w OTten ho appealed, for a stronger central power, how pften ho had to literally beg the stat authorities to, stauS by him. Aud if the local feeding has more than once proved too strong within the memory of living tneii, what must it have been when as yet no glori ns memories clustered about the general government, when there was but a vague .promise of union, but an ideal nation? ' Nevertheless, there were a' few conditions which made Americans one people. Though plauted ia adverse interests at intervals ' stretching over 128 years, with forms of gov ernment varying from the extreme of pro prietorship to the extreme Democracy of Connecticut and. Kliode Island, representing at least six great branches of Christianity, ami extremely,, diverse social and industrial conditions, the colonies still had many more points ef resemblance than , of difference. They all had tho samo language and substan tially tho same literature; they nil claimed tho liberties of Englishmen and judged cases upon tho principles of tho English common law; they were all planted by men wh? longed for a larger liberty, and were all swayed by tho sum necessities as against wild nature and the Indians, and most of all, perhajis, the native born Americans were similarly transformed from the European type b' breathing tho air and seizing upon the opportunities, of a now continent. The result was apiireut in this: the animosities of the Seventeenth century between Puritan and Quaker, and Yankee and Dutchmanf Trotestant ami Catholic had yielded so rapidly that in the middle of the Eighteenth century but a trace remained; Catholic Charles Can-oil, J,iliornI Siphon Hopkins and Free ' Thinking Puritan Franklin joined in the public devotions without hesitation, and the new comer from Eurojie remarked with amazement thai there was already the one Ameriean tyie, with local variations less than marked the counties of England, from Boston to Savannah. 'While the Eincoliishiremaii still laughed at tho "babble" of tho Cornishmali, jyul both of them regarded the Yorkshiremau as an "out languidged vurriiwr," it was but barely pos sible (aud seldom that in the continental con grss to distinguish the accents of the Geor gian and the Bostonian. The written lan guage was alwohitely one, the most acute critic cannot decide by the internal evidence in which colony any document of that time was produced. The same books were rad., and often exchanged the length of a conti nent, ami at the foot of the Blue Bidgc as nt the head of the Hudson were many men like Madison and Jefferson, of powerful intellects and of vast and varied reading. The Amer icans were one far moro truly than be Eng lish of that day and tuore than the English and Scotch now are, MOVEMENT FOR A GENERAL GOV ERNMENT. It is not possible to assign an exact date to the movement for a neneral government. 4t was m the air. Iu 14:J the three Now Eng land colouies joined in a short lived confed eracy against the Indiaris and the Dutch.' In 16S4 a common movement against the six nations of Indians united all the colonies but South Carolina. The attempt of James II to restrict colouial lilerlies led to temporary unions, but tho British revolution of brought hi William uud Mary, who restored tho colonial charters. John Locke then drew up a plan for a cap tain general a'n d one assembly for all the colonies, but parliament refused to consider it. In 10D7 William Penii (iu England) pro posed a congress of two members from each colony, but tho ministry of that B.TnV dav refused it In 'f&g&C '' 1754 Benjamin - i-IS ' Franklin drew up a ben. fraxkli. very good plan of confederation, but could not get it considered. In 1705 nine colonies were represented in a conference at New York. Finally, on the 5th of Septemlwr, 1774. MteZfiSRt fentjiiental congi-ess,inet jJt,,FhJkvv delphia, and ttiereafter tbe tendency towaru union was i.-resistible till the declaration of independence, July 1, 77(5 - ' ;. , It is not easy to dcQue the powers of the Continental congress, they were so augmented by necessity mid so supplemented by the colonial legislatures and local committees of safety, which exercised almost desiotie powers. The movement for a lietter organ ized government was already iu progress. Tom Paine issued his brilliant pamphlet in favor of a national government, ainl Alex ander Hamilton, warmly seconded Paine's argument ia many letters and addresses.' Paine was a revolutionist, Hamilton an or ganizer; Washington followed as the mod erator. Ho first ventured to use the word "empire," meaning, as subsequent letters show, an "empire of republics." After tak ing command of the army he often urged the memljers to consider "that power and weight which ought of right to belong only to tho whole." y'our. years ho continued to urge a Stronger central power, and in March, 1779, wrote to Georgo Mason, of Virginia: "I lament the fatal policy of the states employing their ablest men at home. How useless to put in fine order the smallest parts of a clock unless the great spring which is to set the whole in motion is well attended to. Let this voice call forth you, Jefferson and others to save their country." Yet it took the congress two years to complete the articles of confedera tion and nearly two more to get them sanc tioned by all tho states, only to find them in efficient withiii six mouths after their adoption. . On the 1st of March, 1781, the delegates from Maryland snlcribpd the nrticlcs; on the second it was taken for granted that the new croverimjint was in force, and within the month several members complained of the want of sufficient powers. On the 16th, James Madison introduced a new clause, that the states should give congress the power to comjel a recalcitrant state to perform its obligations. On the 2d of May it was re ferred to a committee of one from each state; on the 20th of July they reported a substi tute, that congress might in time of war lay an embargo for sixt y days and name receivers of public money, after it liad been collected by state officers. On the same day Edmund Randolph presented the resolutions of the Virginia legislature, that congress "ought to have more power." In July and August Hamilton issued a series of papers called "Tho Continentalist," in which he vigorously urged a more complete anion, a central executive ana a national revenue. But all in vain. Soon after Cornwallis surrendered, the British hastily concentrated in two or three ports, ready for. embarking; every ov-s went wild iu expectation of an immediate close of the war. and the "more perfect union" was ignored. Philip Schuyler, Alexander Hamil ton and others hod just before this persuaded tho great state of Na'w York to, agree that duties should "be collected in such maimer and by such officers as congress should di rect, and Virginia had consented to a similar measure; but the other states were so slow that the opposition had time to rally, aud both ' concessions were re voked or ignored. New York, however, for the first, proposed a convention to form a new constitution. Hamilton drafted tho - resolutions, his father-in-law, Schuyler, urged them vigorpusly, and they passed botu nouses of the legislature by unaniuiousvote. There after they were the platfonn,-tho store house of texts and arguments for the "Strong Gov ernment Whigs." Finally all the states but Khode Island consented to a national revenue from customs duties; the negative of tho one state ruined the scheme, and thus the weary seesaw went on four years longer, till the con federation was without cash at home or credit abroad, and was fast sinking into contempt. In Virginia the issue was debated almost in cessantly for six years, Washington and Madison leading the nationalists, Hichard Henry Lee contending for separation and state sovereignty, Patrick Henry advocating only a strengthening of the existing confed eration. Pressure from without had kept Americans united, during the war; a renewal of that "STX - cX Gastonia pressure was needed to foroo a more perfect union, and it came exactly nt tho right time. When tho British parliament met after the peace of Versailles the liberal element pro posed a renewal oi cjose linei-cuurse wilu America and "free trado on lilieral princi ples." When asked what guarantees tliey could secure, they were forced to reply that they knew of no power to bind tl separate colonies; a reaction set in and ceased not till Great Britain had adopted the most stringent navigation laws and every practical method of crinnlinsr the trade of Americans. When this was known in the states, tho number of those who could "think coutineiitally" in creased suddenly and rapidly. Virginia es- jieciaUy advanced toward extreme national views. Jefferson said that his first choice would be no navigation laws, no distinction tat ween ports nud tho freest possible commerce; but as Great Britain had chosen otherwise, we must have a government that could meet her iu tho tame spirit. Khode Island, as usual, resolved that cavil state should do its own retaliating; but almost every where else there Alexander ri.Mll.T(. was ' a .movement toward union. The states began measures to surrender their western lands to the general government, and the movement progressed so rapidly that it was completed before the constitution. Congress had already established a mint and Federal coin. The Bank of North Amer ica had Imh'H set up. Settlements in the west ern territory were in rapid progress, and the settlers were impatient for exact statements of their relations to government. Already Spain was harassing tho border with un friendly. legislation. Treaties with the In dians were imperative ami wars probable. Kentucky and her neighbors were demand ing, iu daily louder tones, free navigation of the Mississippi, or . On all sides foreign and domestic questions pressed the demand for a stronger central government; yet a few states held back and the others delayed out of deference, to them. Meanwhile Pitt was . enforcing tho British navigation acts against the United States with the utmost severity, and the "Strong Government Whigs" were making converts. The powers of established1 churches in the several states were greatly curtailed; religions freedom became general, and by local acts the rights of a citizen in any state were freely accorded to immigrants from other states. And the clause on this subject iu the constitution is the only one more ob scure, at nny rate moro awkwardly worded, than the laws it superseded. Commerce be tween the states was being better system atized. In short, the country was traveling slowly toward a sort of unity. But the war between debtor and creditor was raging with groat severity; the "soft money men" of many localities dreaded a general government which would abolish legal tender paper; there were riots iu divers places, and Capfc Daniel Shay's rebellion iu Massachusetts. Com merce, finances and foreign affairs demanded a stronger government. On March 2S, 1785, commissioners from the two states of .-Virginia .and Maryland jnet,. at Mount Vernon to form a plan for the joint navigation of "the 'Potoroac-4ieorge Mason aud Alexander Henderson for Virginia, Dan iel-of-St. -Thomas Jenifer, Thomas Stone and Samuel Chase for Maryland, all assisted by Washington. Their special work was quickly done, so they .discussed general politics, and ended by drawing up a plan of union for the two states involving uniform money and taxes. Maryland promptly acceded and asked that Delaware and Pennsylvania might be added. Virginia argued these matters till Jan. 21, 178(i, then by large majorities iu both branches invited all the other states to meet her in convention at Annapolis, Md., on the first Monday, of the next September. The sixth congress was in session, and South Car olina, by Charles Pinckney, led the move ment for a ucw government. He proposed a UUmber of amemiiuv-nts to jlhe articles giving the central government moro power, but was defeated by the extremists. Those who wanted no change and those who wanted an entirely new system wore alike opposed to reform. The Annapolis convention met, but three states sent no delegates and others ar rived so late that the short sitting was over before they could act. The few present united in an able appeal to cou; gross to order a national convention. Even this action excited violent criticism. Tho Nationalists were iu despair, when Madison, Of Virginia, raised them again to hope. On his motion the general assembly unanimously resolved on a Federal convention, to meet at Philadelphia, May 2, 1787, and draft an en tire constitution to be presented to tho states. As soon as the news reached New Jersey that state, on the 23d of November acceded and chose its delegates. Pennsylvania followed in December, North Carolina in January and Delaware in February. Congress next ap proved the measure, and then the states fol lowed one by one all but Rhodo Island, which refused to act as usual. But Mary land, distracted by a fight over paper money, did noc elect till near the end of May, and New Hampshire was a few days later. On the 14th of May, 1787, the day finally set, only Pennsylvania and Virginia were represented; but then- delegates repaired to the state house, organized and , were soon joined by others.- On the 17th came South Carolina, on the 18th New York, on the 21st Delaware, on the 22d North Carolina. On the 25th William Churchill Houston,. of New Jersey, previously detained by illness, arrived, and, so. the seven spates needed for a quorum were representedV-f rom the south, four states, with nineteen members; from tho north, three states, with ten members. Oil motion yf Benjamin Franklin Washington uas unanimously chosen president of the conven tion. On the 28th tho delegates from Massa chusetts and Maryland arrived. It was a convention of learned men. Thero were nine graduates of Princeton, four of Yale and six of other colleges; at least seven were of some eminence in literature one, a native of Scot? land, had taught iu her lirst universities; a very large proportion were well read lawyers, and nearly all had had long and.valuable training iii the strfte legislatures or congress. And to these men was submitted this prob lem: How .hall we combine these sovereigns into one so vereignty J How shall we take just enough power from' the thirteen to form a government sufficient for all general con cerns, especially commerce and foreign affairs, and yet leave all other powers uniin uaired in each state THE CONVENTION. Their work may be detailed historically or analyzed by themes. For many reasons the second plan is the better, chiefly because it avoids detail and makes the conclusion clearer. Four general schemes were suggested: First The extreme Federalist or National ist plan : That the states should be practically abolished; reduced to mere departments, and on their ruins one strong government estab lished "on the British model," added Hamil ton. The convention took one good look at this plan and rejected it unanimously. It docs not npiear that they did moro than merely listen to its wesentation. L At N. C: September Second The extreme states' rights plant riiat tho Confederation should be strength sued a little, so far as to havo an independent revenue and exercise some control over com merce, each state to retain its absolute sove reignty as bertre. Tho convention con sidered this nt twne length and rejected it, not quite unanimously. Third The moderate Nationalist plan. Fourth Tho moderate states' rights plniv Out of the hist two, by compromise, tho son volition evolved the present constitution, with tho understanding that it was to bo con strued according to the plain meaning of the words on these throe lisis principles: First That the power of the flag, the sword and tho national purse (and these con stitute sovereignty) should be vested exclu sively in the national government. Second That as to these, the public prop 3t'ly, especially tho land, certain general functions, and all foreign affairs, the peoplo af the United States should constitute one nation. 1 Third That just enough and no more powers should ha uxken from tho states to ?onstitut a goverrjiieui for these general purposes, and all other powers remain in tho states as before. - James Madison came with the outline of a ?oiistitution already formed and employed the days of waiting in urging its main points upon the delegates who first arrived. Ed mund Randolph had elaborated certain prin ciples in addition to those of Madison. Wash ington had drawn up, the heads of these con stitutions. "Paterson, of New Jersey, had a plan which was merely to strengthen the confederation. And it was known that Con necticut was coming with still another. "Tho New J ersey system," said those who spoke first, "is federal, the Virginia system national; in the first the powers flow from tho state governments, but in the latter they lerive authority f rom the people of the tates." And even lief ore the convention met, the extreme states' rights party had sounded an alarm about the V li-guua plan. William Jones pf North Carolina, refused to 3ervc, as ho understood the convention was designed to subordinate the states, and was replaced by Hugh Williamson, an "original free soiler," who wanted slavery excluded from all new states. Patrick Henry, Thomas Nelson and Richard Henry Lee, of Virginia, refused to accept their appointments, as they would not act under tho V lrgmia resolutions, and were replaced by men of much less note but ardent nationalists. Edmund Randolph wavered. His first intent was to vote for a more strengthening of "the confederation, but his personal record pointed to nationalism as bis final position. Though but 33 years old, he had borne a very active part in the revo lution and was novv governor of Virginia. To him, therefore,' was intrusted the duty of presenting tho " V lrgmia plan" to. tbe conven tion, which he did May 2'J in a preamble ana fifteen resolutions. : They declayed for a national legislature of two branches, with specific powers over national concerns; a national e'xecutive to be chosen by the legislature and eligible for but one term; a council of revision to examine and approve the acts of the legislature bef ore they should go into force; a national judici ary, substantially such as we now have; a national revenue to be collected from the states by quotas, and the right of suffrage in each state should be tho basis of enumeration for apportioni'frg-tbe qnt?'"newT states to fee admitted on terms of equality, and each state to be required to have; and to bo guaranteed, a republican form of government. This plau contained two notable clauses. One provided for representation in both branches accord ing to population; the other suggested that only "free inhabitants" should be counted for representation. We do not find in the scanty accounts that the latter proposition attracted much attention, but the former at once provoked fierce opposition from the smaller states. Charles Pinckney, of South Carolina, only 29 years old, presented a series of resolutions very similar to those from Vir ginia, and both were referred to a committee of one from each state. On the morning of the 30th Nathaniel Gor ham, of Massachusetts, offered a resolution that "A national government ought to be es tablished, consisting of a supreme legislative, executive and judiciary." Tierce Butler, of South Carolina, now passed over from the Confederationists to the Nationalists, saying that the division of powers between three de partments, the democratic branch coming di rect from the people and holding the power of the purse, had removed his objections. So the Gorham resolution passed, Connecticut only voting in the negative; New York di vided. Next day the first clause of the Vir ginia plan, that there should be a'national legislature of two branches, passed without bebate, Pennsylvania alouo voting in the neg ative, Three weeks later sho withdrew her neg ative, and the vote was made unanimous. All the powers of the legislature were - agreed upon the same day. On the 1st of Juno tho xecutive was taken up and debated long and earnestly. The veto power was conferred by the votes of eight states against Connecti cut and Maryland. The judiciary was de bated for a week and settled .nearly as we now have it Then came the hard fight as to equality of representation; and the first settlement was that each state should have at least one senator and others in some propor tion to its population. The remaining Vir ginia resolutions were gone through with rapidly, and in thirteen sessions the work on them was complete. But the smaller states had been deprived of equal representation, and their discontent soon took active form. New Jersey organized and led the oppo sition of the .smaller states. Connecticut, by Roger Sherman, had already presented and vehemently urged what might be called the moderate states' rights plan, but it was merged in tho "New Jersey plan," which Paterspn presented on the" 15th of June, It provided for a legislaturo'with a single house, and was generally less national than the "Virginia, plan." The convention debated this fi vo days, and by tho vote o! seven states rejected it. In tho midst of this debate Hamilton introduced his plan for extreme centralization. It was "praised by everybody but" supported by nobody," says one. member in his memoirs. It was", in fact, a plan for on electivo mon archy, with democratic features very much such a government as that of England now is, or would be if the monarch wero elected "for life or good behavior." From the 19th of Juno to the 2d of July tho conven tion debated almost constantly on one subject the rights of the states, espe cially the right to equal representa tion. Connecticut now took the lead,, and by Roger Sher PATRICK HEXKY. man proposed a compromisa-thnt there should bo equal representation in one branch and proportional in tho other. On tho 2d of July live states voted for it and five against it, Georgia divided and New Hampshire was not present. So the matter was referred to a committee of one from each state, and, as the conven tion was in a very hot tenqier over it, an adjournment of three days after the 3d was voted, in the hope that rest and the celebration of the 4lh would restore har- 16, 3 887. mony. Tho final settlement was in favor of equality in tho senate. As soon as this was dona Pnterson, Sherman and Ellsworth passed over to the Nationalists, and thereafter voted for every measure to strengthen the general gov ernment, Pnterson was for the rest of his life an ardent and extreme Federalist, The basis of representation in tho lower house, or democratic branch, excited long discussions on tho slavery question; but the agreement on a three-fifths enumeration of the slaves was nearly unanimous.! The next ten days wore devoted to drawing tho lino between state and national powers, and per fecting the general outlines of the constita- tion. Meanwhile tho states had completed tho cession of their western lands, and con gress (the congress of the old confederation being in session contemporaneously with tho convention) had adopted the ordinance of 1787, for the government of tho territory north of the Ohio and west of Pennsylvania, so tho convention's next task was ; to provide for a territorial systoni. ; : j From the 17th to the 20th of July tho con vention debated tho gkiuiral outlines of the constitution, adopted some restrictions on the powers of the states, agreed unanimously that the states were to retain all powers not specifically taken from them, but that it was unnecessary to so state in tho constitution; appointed a . committee of three from the north and two from the south to formulate the work so far done, and then adjourned to Aug. 0. The committee of detail consisted of Gorham, Ellsworth, "Wilson, Ran dolph and John Rutledge the last an eminent scholar of South : Carolina, of great experience in congress j and state legislature, lieing i chairman. On Aug. 3 they presented each member of the con vention with !a printed cpy of their draft of a constitution, and thence to Sept. 10 it was thoroughly discussed in detail. From tho middle to the end of August slav &ry was debated with great earnestness and the compromise -! agreed upon, the word "slave" being carefully excluded from the constitution. : The method of choosing tho president was long and warmly debated; the result was tho most awkward clause in the instrument. The judicial system of the United States was settled with little beat, after which it was decided that tho constitu tion should ; be submitted to conventions, chosen for that purpose only, in the states, and should go into operation in the adopting states as soon as they numbered nine.' A committee of five was named to make the complete draft Madison, Hamilton, King, Johnson and Gouverneur" Morris and the last named wrote tha final copy, i And now a new difficulty arose; a few members refused to sign the , completed instriunent, and declared they would opixise: its adop tion in their states. Washington, Ham ilton, Madison and Franklin labored with them most earnestly. Finally all signed it but Gewy, Mason and Randolph. So the unanimous consent of the eleven states present was secured on Monday, the 17th of September; the convention adjourned, the members dined together and then retired, says Washington, "to meditate on the mo mentous work which had been executed." ADOPTED BY THE STATES. But the contest was not over. Indeed, the bitterest fight was to come; for only friends of the new consti tution consented to serve in the con vention, whilo ene mies remained at home to light in theirstates. ln Massachuse tts, New York awl Vir ginia the uproar was terrific. : The opponents savagely contended that the n e- w Constitution was despotic. It PHILIP SCHUYLER. contained no bill of rights, it made no pro visions to secure the citizens against illegal powers; there was nothing ubout the right of conscience, tho freedom of the press, the trial by jury, excessive, bails, fines, forfeitures or oppressive military establishments. - Its friends replied that tho whole instrument was a bill of rights, since the general government could exercise no powers except such as were granted, and the states could devise as many safeguards as they chose. Nevertheless, they generally consented that these things should be provided for in amendments, though insisting (and truly, too) that j they were needless. The first fight came on in the con gress still iu session, which was, indeed, asked to approve its own annihilation. Richard Henry Leo opposed tho new government be cause it was j too. j strong; Grayson, also of Virginia, liecause it was too weak. All the New York f delegates, Melancthon Smith at their head, opposed it on the ground that New York could not afford to surrender her customs duties. Finally congress de cided to submit the constitution to the states without special recommendation.! But Rich ard Henry Lee was implacable. He and Grayson had been outvoted by their three colleagues, and so Virginia was recorded in congress as for the-:, constitution! He now stirred up opposition in every state, scatter ing many thousand copies of his . "Letter from tho Federal Farmer." Madison j aud Hamilton replied in The Federalist, while Washington, exerted himself in Virginia against Harrison, Nelson and Patrick Henry. The Virginia- assembly met on tho third Monday in October, and wrangled till March before ordering a convention; and t-ien the date of its meeting was postponed to tho first Monday in June (1788). The debates of this convention furnished a most valuable guide' to the intent of the f ranters and tho meauing of the constitution ; but this is no place for de tails. Suffice it thai attev-long und heated discussioiij ami only '-upon the pledge of - its supporters'- that the constitution should be amended, the Virginia convention ratified it en tho 25th of June, 1788, by tho narrow mar gin of eighty-nine yeas to sevety-uine nays. In Delaware the legislature hastened to say that it "could not find language ; to express the joy of the people," and, called a conven tion at once. ; That body, as soon as organ ized, unanimously notified the constitution on Dc. 0, 1787. ! 'fhif Pennsyfvnnia i convention met Nov. 20, and s. ftev- t(brec weeks' debate, ratified the constitution on Dec. 12 by a vote pf.40 to 2o. Twenty -one of the -minority, signed a protest "tbat the powers vested in congress would lead to an iron handed des potism, with unlimited control of the purse and sword." New Jersey's convention met Dec. 11, 17S7, read the constitution by sections for a week, and on the 18th ratified it unani mously. So the union of the central states was complete. Georgia also ratified unani mously and without debate, Jan. 2, 1788, firing thirteen gnus as the signing progresse J. Connecticut, with very liftle opposition, rati fied Jan. 9, 1788, by a voto of 128 to 40. Then came tho great battle royal in Massachusetts. The delegates in that state were elected in tho heat and fury following tho Shay's insur rection, and eighteen "rebels" had seats .i the convention. : The fiiends of the constitu tion confessed themselves iu a minority at the start, but they gained by concession and the, Maine delegates saved the day (Maine was then a district of Massachusetts). For three weeks the opposition offered every ob jection that the mind of man can conceive religious, commercial and fiscal, the lack of a bill of rights, the want of a religious test, the ovutcrs. They then tried ill possible sthenics f One Dollar and a ITalf pbr Annum, TVTVk Q'T fix Advance. j of dolay ; another . convention was proposed, . a reference of tho matter back to congress etc. Finally, when tho friends of tho con stitution had promised all sorts of amend ment, the ratification was squeezed through, Feb. 6, 1788, by the painfully small majority of 187 to 108. Boston was wild with en thusiasm for the new government, and celebrated with exceeding : great joy. Now .Hampshire had substantially tho same fight, with variations; so. the: friends of the constitution proposed an adjournment ti", June, hoping that tho influence of other states would help them. Finally, on June 21, 17S8, after agreeing to twelvo amendments, tho ratification was carried. by 67 against 40, This was the ninth state, and so the existence of tho new Union was secured- J : Maryland, after a short but very spirited debate, had ratified, April 20, by 03 votes to 11. South Carolina's convention 'met at Charleston on the 13th of May, debated ten days, but with great calmness and courtesy, and on the 23d ratified, by a vote of 149 to tS. Tho New York convention met on. June 17, "and de bated with much earmstnesstill July 20," then j ratified: by tho close vote . of 30 niramst VI. klbrigk gerry. with ; the f under standing that numerous amendments were to be adopted or another ,'Federal convention called at once!- North Car olina's convention met July 21, and on the 1st of August declined immediate ratification by a tie vote 184 to 184. Tho next day, however, the convention provided that congressional laws as to commerce, should lie in force in the state just as if sho had ratified. After the new government was fairly established North Carolina : acceded, Nov. 21, 1789. Rhode Island, as usual, was in opposition to the last i unrepresented in tho convention and in the first congress, she rati fied May 29, 1790, the last of tho thirteen. J. H. Beadle. . Iw the Afararalbann I.lve. Going ashore e :rly before sunrise, our first visit was made to the market place to see what Maracaibans live upon. A better and a cheaper market would be hard to find. Ex cellent beef, goat, pork and fowls averaged ten cents a pound, and all varieties of tropical fruits abounded at corresponding prices. Tied together in bunches wore great green lizards two or three feet long, with brown warts all over them and vicious black Iieads of eyes. They snapped at us like dogs as we passed, and when teased with a stick clung to it like bull terriers. These were iguanas, whose de licious wfeite flesh is eagerly eaten by all classes. It tastes like chicken, but is more delicate. Of course.' considerable hunger would be needed to make thorn appetizing to a stranger who should recognize them in a a stew. . Farther on an animal with head and tail like a rat, feet like an alligator and n coat of mail like an ironclad man of , wrj was tied to a post. Upon receiving a poke it rolled itself promptly into a ball, head and all beiu;; quite coven-d by its plates, and thus defied further attack. . This was an armadillo, tdsq a tidbit when properly stewed or roasted, h Monkeys were scarce in tlie market; and the old school book fable of travelers making use of tUeid, tagt cocoanuts from lofty trees, by sh5'iug stones up at them and dodging nuts that came down m return, came to mind as I watched the antics of a few of these poor brutes waiting their turn, to lie sold. The fact is, monkeys are very shy of their human cousins, and retreat from civilization with all speed,- Cocoanut trees do not grow wild, but require careful cultivation and constant care, lieing planted fop profit or for orna ment near houses; so that a monkey is almost as likely to be found upon an apple tree as on a cocoa palm. And owners of plantations would probably welcome any ; stranger, whether two or four handed, who attempted to steal their fruit, very much in the same manner as they would with us. I fear that the story of monkey nsef nliwss is exaggera ted, not o say mythical. Dr. W. F. Hutch inson in American Magazine. A Couple of Stirring Scenes. In the earlier days of Colorado f minin camps there were some very stirring scenes and adventures, and the tender feet were broken, iu. without much ceremony sometimes. I remember visiting a certain camp when it was quite - new, and saving a man's , life the Very first night. Ife was in the bed next to niii 10 in the tent, and about midnight an order came for him to get up, as he was. wanted. He was asked to lose no time, as he was to be summarily tried for having shot a man. jumped up and declared that tho man was U4iocent, but I was . shown the niuzzlo of a forty-two caliber and tool to Ho down. How ever, as there was no help for it, I said would accoiwpauy the accused, : who was nearly frightened ont of his wits. - We went down to one who was styled ''the justice,' and the complaint '.-was -lodged that the prisoner had shot a man. As ho could say nothing in his own behalf, I spoke for him. and stated that at the time the shooting was said to have occurred the accused was soundly sleeping. Just, then a stranger appeared and announced that he did tho shooting, and proved that it was in self defense, and the matter was all settled. , ' 1 , Next day we were treated to a little "fnn. A tin can was tied to. an unwelcome visitor's coat tail aud he was told to "git." j Ho lost no time in striking a two-forty gait' and as he flow down the road the can dandling be hind him was a mark for all tl rest o the boys to ''take a crack at" More than one of them hit the can, too, and I am not sure but that I made it quiver myself. We thought it was very funny, and so did the poor victim perhaps. George Trumbull in Globe-Demo- .. . . . Tbe- Matches Whtch Smokers. V8 Those small wax matches which cigar smokers use,, and which are put up in fancy boxes, come ftom Mexico, j here is one fac tory in this country, but the agent informed me that he bad the greatest difficulty iu getting dealers to take them.! We import (hem from Mexiro, and yet are attic In sell them sjb three lioxes for a nickel, after paying heavy duty. There arc fifty in a box. You will notice what care must; be takcii in pre paring them. They are molded something after the st3 le I havo seen my mother use in making candles. There is a wick and tallow and a colored mixture of pho-piiorus to icrnite. the boxes are watiy con si rttcted consisting of two cases held together by a niece ot nililier. luev contain colored pict ures on all sides. In Mexico they sell for a half cent a box, so you see to make a profit the manufacturers ivust have very cheap" labor. . They have no great machinery ns m. this country, vet their trade seems to thrive. These matches are the ones commonly in use in Mexico. After paying duty on our matches we cannot compete with them. They are not in general usti here, but are favorites with smokers. G. W. K-rebsmOiiobc-tJcmocrat. rm- .-v . WW i . -1 . Alio id icBiumuni in jimopja. . It is not generally known that in Ethiopia a people numbering about 200,000 havo the Old Testament ia Ethiopia Version jaiul still ad here rigidly, to the Mosaic ceremonies and laws. They are the children of Hebrew im migrants who, in tho time of the great (Usper' sion, settled iu Abyssinia aud married wive of that nation. Detroit Free Press. X.OOK OUT ! . Compare tlUs with, your porehaiet ii r v fciSSTLESSN ESS. A STRICTLY VtC.rTAe.lt FAULTIBSS FAMILY MCDICINE. AMD p HI LADE LP HI A. 3 Price, OH E Dollar As yon slue health, perhaps life, examine each package a:id be sure you get the Genuine. Seo the real Z Trade-Mark and the full title on front of Wrapper, and on the side tho seal and signature of J. H. 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The feebla and Pick, strutnrllnsr agiunst di?.ease, and slowly drifting; to the grave, will in many cases recover their health by the tiiuelv use of I'orker's GiinrerTonicbutdelay lsdni cf-mug. Take it ia time, ltisinvalunhle lor all paius aud disorders ot stoiaach and bowels. 600. at OrugguUV Try the LarjiCKt and Rest Eo,uipicd PKlXTEUS'.nOLLRRSEsTABK!SIIMKNT in the Imitnl Slates I); J. 11EI.LL.Y -te CO., :V.t and.-! Pearl Street. Now York. frU-v l.v S-jtiHlaelioii fruainutec! . , H Hi :.."-' References - 3 llll;! SI W A n . j -1 02 M PS O ) V 5 1 0 -s g ; 5 A X v - -. V '"''A I I
Gastonia Gazette (Gastonia, N.C.)
Standardized title groups preceding, succeeding, and alternate titles together.
Gastonia Daily Gazette (Gastonia, N.C.)
Sept. 16, 1887, edition 1
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